Why do Eritreans leave their country?

Eritrea’s modern history began in 1890 when Italian colonizers established the state. Before Italian rule, the region now known as Eritrea was influenced by both Arab Muslim and Habesha Christian politics. This created a division where the primarily Muslim lowlanders tended to support pro-Islam sentiments, while the highlanders were more aligned with pro-Ethiopian views. Despite this cultural and religious diversity, the Italians imposed their administrative system on the colony, ultimately establishing a fascist political regime. They dismantled the indigenous political elite and replaced them with a new group of loyalists known as the Azmarino cronies, who were soldiers, or Askeri, of the Italian colonial army.

After about fifty years of colonization, the exploitative, repressive, and disruptive fascist Italian regime left the people of Eritrea facing a period of uncertainty and turmoil. Following the defeat of fascist Italy in World War II, the responsibility for determining Eritrea’s future was handed over to the United Nations, marking a crucial turning point in the nation’s history. During this transitional phase, the British military administration arrived to foster a democratic political framework. However, their efforts often came across as largely symbolic and insufficient, as genuine democratic practices were not fully realized, leaving Eritreans to grapple with political instability and continued challenges in their pursuit of self-determination.

Tensions began to rise primarily between the Christian and Muslim elites in Eritrea as they competed for power over governance. The Muslim elite advocated for establishing an Islamic political system, seeking to create a framework based on religious principles and traditions. In contrast, the Christian elite promoted an indigenous democratic model, emphasizing the importance of inclusivity and representation in the political process. This clash of visions was not just a disagreement over governance; it reflected a deeper struggle for Eritrea’s political identity within a nation characterized by a diverse cultural and religious landscape. The differing aspirations of these two groups highlighted fundamental issues of representation, power dynamics, and national unity. As both sides remained steadfast in their beliefs, this conflict hinted at potential disputes that could further complicate Eritrea’s efforts to establish a cohesive political framework.

The continuing conflict between Christian elites, particularly Orthodox farmers, and Islamic factions in Eritrea has created significant opportunities for the Azmarino cronies who align themselves with the fascist political system. These groups have successfully exerted considerable influence over the country’s political landscape, managing to maintain their control even after the defeat of the Italian colonizers.

The religious divide in Eritrea is not just a social issue; it significantly influences the country’s political landscape. Tensions between the two groups often present themselves in various ways, ranging from local confrontations to larger political strategies. This situation allows the Azmarino cronies to exploit these divisions to their advantage. They can manipulate the existing rivalries to consolidate their power and maintain a system, fascist political system that prioritizes their interests over the needs of the wider population.

As a result, the interplay of religion and politics creates an environment where the Azmarino elite can navigate and capitalize on conflicts to reinforce their dominance, further entrenching the challenging socio-political landscape in Eritrea. In doing so, they contribute to a cycle of inequality and division, hindering efforts toward unity and reconciliation among the diverse communities in the country.

The ongoing Eritrean refugee crisis is a complex issue driven by a combination of economic hardship, environmental challenges, and political instability. Historically, the British military administration established a symbolic democratic political framework in Eritrea. However, this initiative encountered significant opposition from both Christian and Muslim elites, each advocating for fundamentally different governance systems. The Muslim elite supported an Islamic system that aligned with their cultural and religious values, seeking to implement laws based on Sharia. In contrast, the Christian elite promoted an indigenous democratic system known as Hgi’Enda’Ba, which emphasized civil liberties, equal representation, and secular governance. The conflict between these differing political systems has deepened divisions within Eritrean society. This division has been a crucial factor in the escalating crisis, prompting many individuals to leave their homeland in search of security and stability during the war for independence.

Since Eritrea’s hard-won independence from Ethiopia in 1993, the country has navigated a complex and challenging landscape, prompting many citizens to seek refuge elsewhere. Political repression, characterized by a lack of democratic governance and stringent control over personal freedoms, has created a climate of fear and uncertainty. 

In addition to existing hardships, ecological concerns—especially severe desertification and the deterioration of arable land—have significantly worsened the challenges faced by the population. These environmental issues lead to a decline in soil quality and crop yields, posing serious threats to food security and the livelihoods of farmers and their communities. As agriculture becomes increasingly untenable, many individuals and families are forced to consider migration as an option and a necessary step for survival. This search for better opportunities often requires leaving behind their homes, communities, and cultural ties, highlighting the profound impact of environmental degradation on human lives.

Economic factors play a crucial role in the mass exodus of Eritreans from their homeland. The country faces alarmingly high unemployment rates, leaving many citizens struggling to find stable and meaningful work. Additionally, the limited opportunities for sustainable development have created an environment where hope for a better future is minimal. As a result, many Eritreans confront a harsh reality in which their aspirations for advancement and prosperity appear unattainable.

This situation, coupled with ongoing political repression and ecological challenges, amplifies the urgency of the crisis. For countless individuals, the combination of these intertwined factors has made life in Eritrea increasingly untenable. As a result, a significant number of Eritreans are compelled to embark on perilous journeys, often risking their lives, in search of safety, stability, and the prospect of a brighter future in other countries. These journeys are not merely acts of migration; they symbolize the desperate quest for dignity, freedom, and a chance at a life free from fear and deprivation.

Why Thousands of Eritreans Risk Everything to Reach Europe and North America?

The primary reason many Eritreans migrate to Western countries is a dire question of survival. Since gaining independence, Eritrea has been mired in prolonged conflicts, political instability, and pervasive repression. The consequences of these challenges are evident in the daily lives of Eritreans, who struggle to meet basic needs. Many stand in long queues for hours to secure a few loaves of bread and water. This scarcity forces them to prioritize survival over other pressing issues, such as political reform and the pursuit of dignity.

The current regime, often described as fascist, has effectively taken the Eritrean population hostage through policies of forced conscription and systemic oppression. This authoritarian grip stifles any hope for economic or ecological improvement in the country. Without a profound shift in the political landscape, many Eritreans find themselves trapped in a cycle of poverty and despair.

Consequently, many Eritreans embark on perilous journeys to Europe and North America. This migration is not merely a quest for better economic opportunities; it is an urgent search for safety and stability in environments that offer the chance for a dignified life. The risks associated with these journeys are immense, yet they pale compared to the hardships faced at home, illustrating the overwhelming desire for freedom and a better future.

Which country has the most Eritrean refugees?

According to Human Rights Watch, there are approximately 580,000 Eritrean refugees globally, reflecting a significant humanitarian crisis that has persisted for years. This figure highlights the plight of individuals fleeing their home country due to conflicts, oppressive governance, and the quest for better living conditions. The data presented in the following table has been sourced from various websites, specifically https://eritreanrefugees.org/ and https://migrants-refugees.va/country-profile/eritrea/, and includes estimated figures from the years 2019 to 2024. This information aims to shed light on the situation of Eritrean refugees, providing a clearer understanding of their demographics and the challenges they face in their host countries.

According to UNHCR, Ethiopia hosts 179,766 refugees, the largest population of Eritrean refugees globally, a significant occurrence despite the ongoing conflict and instability in the region. The geographical proximity and shared historical roots between Eritrea and Ethiopia make it relatively easy for Eritreans to seek refuge across the border. Many Eritreans find that their cultural similarities with Ethiopians—such as language, traditions, and social norms—facilitate their integration into Ethiopian society. This shared cultural background not only eases the transition for refugees but also fosters a sense of community and belonging among them, even in the face of adversities.

Sudan has become a host to approximately 126,000 Eritrean refugees, making it one of the largest recipients of this population. Following closely is Germany, which accommodates around 80,000 Eritrean refugees seeking safety and a better life. In addition to these countries, Sweden, Switzerland, and Norway are also significant hosts of Eritrean refugees, offering asylum and support to those fleeing hardship. Furthermore, both the United States and Canada have played important roles in providing refuge to many Eritrean individuals and families, creating pathways for them to rebuild their lives in safer environments.

Rank	Country	Population of Eritrean refugees
1	Ethiopia	179,766
2	Sudan	126,000
3	Germany	80,000
4	sweden	49,000
5	Swizerland	40,000
6	Norwey	34,000
7	Canada	31,000
8	Egypt	18,976
9	United States	17,000
10	United Kingdom	13,000

Which Countries Mistreat Eritrean Refugees the Most?

Eritrean refugees endure significant mistreatment during their hazardous journey, especially to Israel and Europe, facing challenges in numerous countries such as Ethiopia, Sudan, Egypt, Israel, and Libya. In Ethiopia and Sudan, where many Eritreans possess UN refugee status, they are often subjected to arbitrary arrests and harsh treatment. Reports indicate that refugees are routinely beaten, and local officials exploit their vulnerable situation by demanding bribes for their release.

Additionally, both Sudan and Egypt violate international agreements that protect refugees by forcibly deporting Eritrean individuals back to their home country, where they face potential persecution and human rights abuses. This troubling trend highlights a broader issue of systemic disregard for refugee rights in transit countries, leaving many Eritreans trapped in a cycle of violence and oppression as they seek safety and stability.

Eritrean refugees face significant challenges related to legal recognition and are often threatened with deportation, a problem that also affects other countries, such as Israel. However, the situation in Libya is particularly dire. Eritreans there endure extreme human rights violations, including arbitrary detention, torture, and sexual violence. These atrocities are frequently perpetrated by smugglers and armed groups that seek to profit from the refugees’ desperation. Victims and their families are coerced into paying exorbitant sums—sometimes thousands of US dollars—for the release of their loved ones. This exploitation highlights the severe humanitarian crisis faced by Eritrean refugees in Libya, where the search for safety often leads to unimaginable suffering and financial ruin.

In conclusion, a staggering one-fifth of the Eritrean population finds themselves vulnerable to arbitrary detention, physical abuse, torture, and deportation, often at the hands of various countries. While these abuses are visible on the international stage, the root of the issue lies within Eritrea itself. The government is tightly controlled by a fascist regime that has systematically suppressed dissent and stripped away the fundamental rights of its citizens.

Since its independence, Eritrea has failed to establish robust governmental institutions capable of safeguarding the interests and welfare of its people. This lack of institutional development has contributed significantly to the ongoing refugee crisis, which is primarily political. While economic hardships and ecological challenges exacerbate the situation, the core problems stem from the political elite’s refusal to embrace reform.

To address these dire circumstances, the Eritrean populace must mobilize and advocate for systemic change, from an oppressive regime characterized by fascism to a more inclusive and democratic governance structure. Only then can the people of Eritrea hope to reclaim their rights and ensure a secure and prosperous future for themselves and future generations.