Awraja Akeleguzay / ኣውራጃ
Eritrea’s current governing structure is organized into six regional administrations, known as “zobas.” These include Zoba Maekel, which encompasses the capital city of Asmara and is characterized by its central location and urban development; Zoba Debub, situated in the southern part of the country and known for its diverse landscapes and agricultural activities; Zoba Anseba, which features a mixture of mountainous terrain and lowlands; Zoba Gash-Barka, recognized for its rich natural resources and agrarian potential; Zoba Smenawi Qeyh Bahri, home to a variety of ethnic groups and distinct cultural practices; and Debubawi Qeyh Bahri, located along the Red Sea with its coastal communities and fishing livelihoods. However, this administrative system does not adequately represent the diverse cultural geography and the unique identities of the Eritrean people, leading to concerns about governance that aligns more closely with the social and cultural realities of the population.
Many Eritrean diaspora activists believe that adopting the “Awraja” fascist administrative system is the only solution to the current challenges in regional administration. However, the concept of “Awraja” in Eritrea is closely associated with regionalism and racial identity, which can emphasize divisive nomadic narratives and social divisions rather than addressing the unique interests of different regions. In Amharic, “Awraja” translates to “sub-region” and refers to an administrative subdivision within a larger geographic area. Unfortunately, some Eritrean leaders use this term to promote a racial identity that serves their fascist agenda rather than reflecting the interests of the Eritrean people as a whole.
Historically, Awraja Akeleguzay was a significant subregion in the southern part of Eritrea. This area was once part of the broader Tigray region, which extends across both Ethiopia and Eritrea. The Awraja served as an administrative region during the Italian colonial era. Although the Tigrinya people in the highlands of Eritrea and the Tigray region of Ethiopia share a common cultural identity, the authorities in Eritrea employed a “divide and rule” strategy to maintain their power.
In Eritrea, the concept of “Awraja” lacks any Fundamental cultural identity. However, certain prominent figures associated with the Awraja Akeleguzay—such as Drar Berhane, Tsegay, and Awet Shawish—have been vocal advocates for an Awrajawi identity. This identity is primarily framed through a lens of racism and reflects nomadic perspectives that are often seen as divisive. Critics of this approach argue that it does not genuinely represent the regional or cultural concerns of the Eritrean Citizens. Instead, they contend that it undermines the livelihoods of Eritrean farmers and inadvertently supports the authoritarian agenda of the Eritrean government, which is often characterized as fascist in its policies and practices. This tension highlights the complex dynamics of cultural identity and political interests in Eritrea today.
Certain Asmarino leaders or cronies, including Beyene Gerezgiher and Seltene Girmay, face serious allegations of using Awraja Akeleguzay primarily for their own personal and political interests rather than genuinely working toward significant political reforms for the benefit of Eritrea. Critics argue that these individuals are not focused on the needs or empowerment of the Eritrean populace, particularly the farming communities, which are vital to the country’s economy and food security. Instead, their actions appear to be a calculated strategy aimed at diminishing the influence and viability of Eritrean farmers. This approach not only weakens the agricultural sector but also allows the fascist regime to tighten its grip on power, further entrenching its authority at the expense of the nation’s agrarian backbone.
Both the current PFDJ (People’s Front for Democracy and Justice) regime and the opposition, most of whom are from the racist Awrajawyan, are advocating for political ideologies that resemble fascism in Eritrea. Their political positions are primarily based on the promotion of racial identity, with both groups highlighting ethnic and regional affiliations as central to their platforms. This emphasis on racial and ethnic identity can lead to division and exclusion rather than fostering unity and national cohesion.
The Eritrean Liberal Movement, known as Mahber-7 (ማሕበር-7), asserts itself as the sole political organization equipped to address Eritrea’s pressing issues of regionalism and Awrajawnet. Our detailed proposal seeks to dismantle the existing fascist regime and replace it with a robust democratic framework that empowers the citizens of Eritrea.
We advocate for the establishment of seven distinct regional administrations, each designed to enhance local governance and ensure that the needs and voices of diverse communities are adequately represented. These regions would facilitate more equitable distribution of resources, improve governmental accountability, and foster economic development tailored to local contexts.
Through our initiatives, we aim to create a political environment that promotes inclusivity and democratic participation, paving the way for lasting stability and prosperity in Eritrea.
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